Buch, Englisch, 256 Seiten, Format (B × H): 210 mm x 275 mm, Gewicht: 515 g
Reihe: Annual Editions
Buch, Englisch, 256 Seiten, Format (B × H): 210 mm x 275 mm, Gewicht: 515 g
Reihe: Annual Editions
ISBN: 978-0-07-812766-3
Verlag: McGraw-Hill Education - Europe
Annual Editions is a series of over 65 volumes, each designed to provide convenient, inexpensive access to a wide range of current articles from some of the most respected magazines, newspapers, and journals published today. Annual Editions are updated on a regular basis through a continuous monitoring of over 300 periodical sources. The articles selected are authored by prominent scholars, researchers, and commentators writing for a general audience. The Annual Editions volumes have a number of common organizational features designed to make them particularly useful in the classroom: a general introduction; an annotated table of contents; a topic guide; an annotated listing of selected World Wide Web sites; and a brief overview for each section. Each volume also offers an online Instructor's Resource Guide with testing materials. Using Annual Editions in the Classroom is the general instructor's guide for our popular Annual Editions series and is available in print (0073301906) or online. Visit www.mhcls.com for more details.
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AE: Comparative Politics 09/10PrefaceCorrelation GuideTopic GuideInternet ReferencesUNIT 1: Citizen Participation: The Foundation of Political Stability and Impetus for ChangeUnit Overview1.What Democracy Is. and Is Not, Philippe C. Schmitter and Terry Lynn Karl, Journal of Democracy, Summer 1991The authors point out that the term "democracy" is often used normatively to defend political decisions or behaviors, and proceed to outline what the term means conceptually, procedurally, and in principle. They also emphasize citizen participation as an integral concept to democracy. This is made clearer in the discussion on procedures, where the authors note that citizen participation underlies the procedures that realize democracy. Finally, the authors explain that no single set of actual institutions, practices, or values embodies democracy.2.Public Opinion: Is There a Crisis?, The Economist, July 17, 1999In much of the public discourse on democracy, two trends are notable. First, much of the discussion is centered on how established democracies in the West can help other countries "catch up." Second, "well-meaning observers" from the West also "descend" on other countries to help them along in their democratic processes. Yet, in the West, election turnouts are low (Figure 3) and surveys show that citizens are losing confidence in political institutions. This shows that: (1) democracy is a process that is not perfected in any country; (2) established democracies have something to learn; (3) the confidence crisis may be a source for creating new democratic processes and institutions.3.Advanced Democracies and the New Politics, Russell J. Dalton, Susan E. Scarrow, and Bruce E. Cain, Journal of Democracy, January 2004The authors report that citizens are demanding more access, greater transparency in policy-making, and a more accountable government, and show how procedures other than elections meet those demands. In particular, the authors note three trends in the evolution of democracy. First, changes such as campaign financing and term limits affect representation. Second, initiatives and referenda, where citizens participate directly in policy-making, are increasing. Third, citizens and interest groups are using the courts to pursue policy formation.4.Referendums: The People's Voice, The Economist, August 14, 1999Citizen participation in policy-making is "the most democratic" of procedures; yet, many in the western democracies are concerned with the increasing use of the referendum for making policy decisions, especially on divisive issues in western democracies. The article outlines the main fears regarding the referendum and considers its strengths and weaknesses as a policy-making procedure.5.Facing the Challenge of Semi-Authoritarian States, Marina Ottaway, Facing the Challenge of Semi-Authoritarian States, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2003Political hybrids, or semi-authoritarian regimes, contain many of the most widely used democratization processes, including regular elections, rights of citizens, and an independent press. However, these states are not really struggling to become pluralist democracies. Instead, the ruling groups seem determined to take advantage of the democratic label without incurring the political risks that a free society entails. The author asks, "How should such regimes be dealt with?" She notes that promoting democracy in such regimes does not begin or end with removing the leaders.6.People Power, Sarah Childress, The Wall Street Journal, June 18, 2008The news reports of democracy failing in African countries fail to highlight the substantial gains pursued by citizens and groups in securing democratic government in their respective countries. The article highlights that democratic footholds are established in Ghana, Tanzania, Mauritius, Senegal, Mozambique, South Africa, and Botswana, while the number of nations ranked as not free at all has fallen to 14 from 25. In describing the challenges to Mugabe in Zimbabwe, the article highlights, once again, the significant role of citizens and groups in pursuing fairness and accountability, and effecting change in the process.7.Bin Laden, the Arab "Street," and the Middle East's Democracy Deficit, Dale F. Eickelman, Current History, January 2002It is easy to dismiss Osama bin Laden because of his extremism and obvious emotional manipulation of Islamic values and alienated youths. The author points out that it is more important to understand why, how, and when Bin Laden is successful than to dismiss or caricaturize him. In particular, he emphasizes that providing platforms in the Middle East to express opinions on matters of public concern mitigates the threat of terrorism. Fundamentally, this means greater, not less, responsiveness of Middle Eastern governments to the people.UNIT 2: Political Parties and Interest Groups: From Preferences to PoliciesUnit Overview8.What Political Institutions Does Large-Scale Democracy Require?, Robert A. Dahl, On Democracy, Yale University Press, 2000The veteran scholar reiterates lessons from reading 1 in unit 1: "every actual democracy has always fallen short of democratic criteria." Notwithstanding, he provides six criteria that form the minimum requirements for a democratic country: elected officials; free, fair and frequent elections; freedom of expression; access to alternative sources of information; associational autonomy; and inclusive citizenship. It is notable that citizen participation underpins all six criteria. While organizations such as interest groups and political parties are sometimes viewed with skepticism and even suspicion, organizing people into interest groups and political parties facilitates citizen influence and is, thus, indispensable toward building a democratic country.9.Interest Groups: Ex Uno, Plures, The Economist, August 21, 1999The article examines academic writings and the empirical evidence on the benefits and damages of interest groups. Interest groups are not equal; as a result, the hope that their influence on policy-makers and policymaking will mutually cancel out is dim. In the worst case, governments may make decisions that are in favor of interest groups, but go against the interest of the wider public. However, interest groups also have positive effects, including encouraging participation between elections, monitoring government action, providing expert advice toward regulation, and minimizing conflict. What is important is this: interest groups and political parties provide outlets that, if repressed or ignored, may lead people to find "less democratic ways" to be heard.10.Political Parties: Empty Vessels?, The Economist, July 24, 1999Is the party over for political parties? The article discusses evidence suggesting that parties are on the decline. The evidence includes a move to claim the "ideological center," which leaves parties indistinct from one another; their erosion as information centers, which is now taken over by the mass media; the growth of interest groups that act as an alternative venue for expressing views; and the decline in party membership. However, the article also points out that parties continue to control nominations for office and that independent candidates are rarely successful. And, while membership is falling, groups continue to ally with political parties. Money also remains available for use by parties. There is evidence, then, to show that parties continue to exercise "reach."11.Police Clash with Monks in Myanmar, Seth Mydans, The New York Times, September 26, 2007The article describes the mobilization of opposition in Myanmar into protests and demonstrations against the military junta. The protests, led by monks in the country, were met with forceful repression. British ambassador, Mark Canning, is quoted as saying, "The government must also understand what this is about—not fuel prices, but decades of dissatisfaction." There is no question that protests will rise again in the country, even in the face of violent repression, so that voices can be heard.12.Concerns Grow about Role of Interest Groups in Elections, Glen Justice, The New York Times, March 9, 2005This reading discusses a potentially seamier side of interest groups: electioneering and campaigning. Ironically, 527 committees, named for the section of the tax code that applies to them, rose in prominence as a result of restrictions imposed on political action committees. Their ability to raise
and spend unrestricted sums, including TV ads attacking a candidate they oppose, leads to concerns about their effects. Yet, any effort to regulate the groups may be met by "creative ways" to be heard.13.Venezuela Hands Narrow Defeat to Chávez Plan, Simon Romero, The New York Times, December 3, 2007Venezuela's rejection of President Hugo Chávez's referenda proposals to change the constitution and concentrate powers in the executive demonstrates the positives of political parties working in conjunction with interest groups, such as student and farm groups. The rejection of a popular president who has dominated the other political institutions in the country is noteworthy because it has rejuvenated opposition in the legislature and even the military to act as checks against a strong executive.UNIT 3: The Executive: Instituting Accountability and ResponsivenessUnit Overview14.The Historic Legacy of Tony Blair, Vernon Bogdanor, Current History, March 2007How do we measure an executive's success? A British political scientist examines Tony Blair's modernization of the Labour Party before he became prime minister, and three of his major commitments during the ten years he served as head of government, which includes his market-based reforms of the British public services, his extensive constitutional reforms, and the war in Iraq. Even though the first two are considered historic achievements, the war in Iraq threatens to be a major blemish on Blair's record and may even displace his successes.15.Russia's Transition to Autocracy, Pierre Hassner, Journal of Democracy, April 2008Putin's policies have stopped, if not turned back, Russia in its democratic evolution. Yet, the former president and current premier enjoys a majority of popular support. This is all the more surprising, considering that polls show that a plurality of the people (42 percent) favors a liberal-democratic system of government. The author points out that while Putin appears successful in galvanizing popular support, there is evidence that he is already suffering setbacks from the system that he has established and is primed to experience, "an impotence of omnipotence."16.Angela Merkel's Germany, Jackson Janes and Stephen Szabo, Current History, March 2007It is noteworthy that the authors identify Angela Merkel and other leaders of her generation—such as Nicolas Sarkozy in France and Gordon Brown in Britain—as pragmatists. The pragmatic executive is distinguished by several traits, many of which set Angela Merkel apart from past federal government leaders in Germany. They include a policy-making and leadership approach that is not strongly ideological, incremental problem solving as opposed to unifying grand visions, and a preference for interest-based policy-making rather than personalization of politics. This pragmatism has helped sustain the grand coalition between her party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), and the other major party, the Social Democratic Party (SPD), needed to govern and produce the economic and social reforms demanded by the citizenry. However, unpopular decisions remain to be made, and how she pursues and achieves these reforms will be the measure of her success.17.Iran's Conservative Revival, Bahman Baktiari, Current History, January 2007Hard-liners, including the arch-conservative President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, have taken control of Iran, after a period in which the forces backing democratic reform seemed to be making steady advances. This article traces how Ahmadinejad and reactionaries managed to turn the tables on their progressive rivals in the country's basic power struggle.18.How Did We Get Here?, Chappell Lawson, PS: Political Science and Politics, January 2007Mexico has long been known for its unusual institutional stability. The author asks how in 2006, Mexico came to have a presidential election with a bitterly contested outcome. He reviews the recent political developments in that country, including the loss of hegemony by the PRI in 2000. He concludes that the main problem does not lie in faulty institutions but in the sharp polarization of Mexico's political elites. The result—more extreme reactions from the parties.19.In Quake, Apotheosis of Premier `Grandpa', Andrew Jacobs, The New York Times, May 21, 2008Countries with one-party domination do not face any real competition in elections. Yet, as this article shows, they nevertheless pursue popular support and often do so by enacting populist policies. The case in point is the Chinese Communist Party, whose recent policies include a labor law to protect workers, the promotion of several descendants of party elders as legislative advisers, and measures to narrow the country's gap between rich and poor. Premier Wen's highly visible presence following the Sichuan earthquake epitomizes this populism drive to be of and among the people. This populist drive is a salient reminder that the CCP, notwithstanding its dominance, needs support from its people in order to survive politically.UNIT 4: The Legislature: Representation and the Effects of Electoral SystemsUnit Overview20.Japan's Upper House Censures Prime Minister, Norimitsu Onishi, The New York Times, June 12, 2008The article describes politics in Japan, specifically, the conflicts between the Upper House that has an opposition Democratic Party majority, and the Prime Minister, whose Liberal Democratic Party has a majority in the Lower House. Although centered on Japan, the article highlights the roles of political parties in all legislatures, as well as the challenges they face. They include: (1) increasing the "representativeness" of legislatures; (2) the challenge of holding executives accountable for performance; (3) the challenge of balancing conflict and governability.21.The Case for a Multi-Party U.S. Parliament?, Christopher S. Allen, Original Work, 2007The author considers how American political institutions have suffered under divided government. He suggests that America may benefit from the study of comparative politics, and presents a brief mental experiment in institutional transplantation, where the presidential system is replaced by parliamentary institutions. It underscores the basic insight that institutions matter a great deal. They are not neutral, but have consequences for the political process itself.22.An Embattled Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Emily Dunn, Council on Hemispheric Affairs July 30, 2008The article describes a recent political battle in Argentina. President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner's predecessor, her husband Nestor Kirchner, parlayed high approval ratings and budget surpluses into political muscle as an executive. However, the days of an unchecked executive appear to be over. When President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner's proposed taxes on soybeans led to farmers' protests she asked Congress—where her party enjoys a comfortable majority in both houses—to ratify the taxes. The lower house passed the legislation but the upper house was tied, allowing Vice President Julio Cobos to vote against her plan. 23.Iran's Tool Fights America's Stooge, The Economist, May 15, 2008Popular wisdom suggests that power sharing is the way to resolve religious or ethnic conflicts, especially over the question of who governs and how. Yet, the countries that are governed by power sharing, such as Lebanon, do not escape conflict. The unrest in Lebanon is often defined simplistically as a split between Hizbullah, backed by Syria and Iran in the interest of confronting Israel and blocking American influence against the Western-backed government of Fuad Siniora, the Sunni prime minister. In reality, coalitions and alliances unravel as easily as they are formed so government is fragile and governance ineffective. The primary motivation for continuing negotiations is that the alternative—civil war—remains a prospect that all wish to avoid. How is this important? As the conflict in Lebanon shows, few disputes are restricted territorially these days, so it is in the interest of all countries to help avert clashes.24.Let Women Rule, Swanee Hunt, Foreign Affairs, May/June 2007Women continue to be severely underrepresented in high elective or appointive public office. In 2007, they filled only 17 percent of parliamentary seats worldwide and 14 percent of all ministerial-level positions. This pattern also holds for the United States, which ranks 68 out of 189 national legislatures. On the other hand, women have found some room at the top in NGOs and higher education. The author points to the positive changes resulting from the inclusion of more women in leadership positions, and
discusses special barriers facing them in politics. She recommends the adoption of quotas and, wherever proportional representation is in use, a form of gender "zippering" on the ballot.25.Equity in Representation for Women and Minorities from Electoral Systems in Comparative Perspective: Their Impact on Women and Minorities, Wilma Rule and Joseph Zimmerman, eds. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1994In the same vein as the previous article, this article points out that minority representation across all countries is well short of their proportional numbers in the population. There are several reasons for minority underrepresentation. Chief among them are the majority's attitudes towards minorities, which affects how minorities are classified and the ease or difficulty of obtaining citizenship that vests them with rights for political participation and involvement. Having "reserved" seats for their representation helps, as does using proportional system or single transferable vote rather than plurality elections. Does this matter? The author points out that promoting minority representation in legislatures is likely to reduce political alienation among minorities and, consequently, reduce tensions and conflicts that can splinter a country.UNIT 5: The Bureaucracy and Judiciary: Unelected Policy Thugs or Expert Policymakers?Unit Overview26.Judicial Review: The Gavel and the Robe, The Economist, August 7, 1999Why do democracies give judges, who are usually unelected, the power to influence, oversee, evaluate, and even revise how policies are made and executed? The article explains why two such powers—the power of judicial review or constitutional review, where judges adjudicate over the constitutionality of laws, and the power of administrative review, where judges rule on the legality of government actions—do not hinder democratic evolution.27.Political Influence on the Bureaucracy: The Bureaucracy Speaks, Scott R. Furlong, Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory: vol. 8, no. 1, January, 1998The article considers the influence of politics on bureaucracy and vice versa. While some scholars suggest that the bureaucracy, like the judiciary, enjoy so much power as unelected officials, this article proposes an alternative perspective. It states that the bureaucracy serves many masters, including the president, interest groups, the courts, and the legislature—all of whom have some influence on policy making. And it suggests that one of the most effective methods for influencing the bureaucracy is the budget.28.Turkish Court Calls Ruling Party Constitutional, Sabrina Tavernise and Sebnem Arsu, The New York Times, July 31, 2008The article provides a real world example of judicial power through the case of Turkey's Constitutional Court and its consideration of the legality of the ruling party—the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Turkey is largely Muslim but the government is kept secular by the support of the judiciary and the military. The narrow ruling—that the AKP did not violate the country's secular principles, by one judicial vote—underscored the Court's stern warning to the AKP to stay away from religious policies. It is characterized as an "elegant" solution to the tense battle that threatened to jeopardize the country's political and social stability.29.The Making of a Neo-KGB State, The Economist, August 25, 2007Agencies such as the KGB typify a bureaucracy gone bad—all-powerful, unchecked, corrupted by power. The article describes the Federal Security Service (FSB), the successor to the KGB, in Russia and its role in forcing owners, specifically of oil businesses, to give up their businesses and return them to state ownership. Critics, such as Anna Politkovskaya, a renowned journalist, and Litvinenko, a former KGB officer, have died under suspicious circumstances. Yet, few expect that the businesses seized will be run successfully, and that the power of such an agency will likely turn out to be its undoing.30.Why Can't Uncle Sam Spy?, Anthony York, Salon.com, September 18, 2001Protection from "unreasonable search and seizure" is constitutionally protected. Yet, U.S. intelligence agencies have asked, and the executive and legislative branches have granted, more authority for surveillance and intelligence gathering. Opponents against such expanded powers point to the lack of legislative oversight of these agencies that potentially lead to irreversible erosion of civil liberties enjoyed in the U.S. They suggest alternatives, including a change in the intelligence operations, from a reliance on technology to agents on the ground, and a willingness to coordinate with domestic intelligence agencies as well as work with international agencies.UNIT 6: Public Policy: Defining Public, Effects and Trade-OffsUnit Overview31.The Formation of State Actor-Social Movement Coalitions and Favorable Policy Outcomes, Linda Brewster Stearns and Paul D. Almeida, Social Problems vol. 51, no. 4, November, 2004How are policies successful? The authors track the environmental policy reform in Japan in the 1970s to show that success is through state actor-social movement coalitions. The reform in Japan is noteworthy for two reasons: first, it was advocated by weak actors-social movements against very strong, established, and well-funded adversaries; and second, it turned the most polluted industrialized country into a successfull model of environmental reforms for industrialized countries. The authors suggest that a necessary factor for state actor-social movement coalitions is a national level state-actor to provide organizational resources, recognition, and authority to push for the reform.32.Capitalism and Democracy, Gabriel A. Almond, PS: Political Science and Politics, September 1991Are some political systems better at economic performance than others? The move to market economies by the Soviet Union, former Eastern European communist countries, and China certainly seems to suggest so. But, Gabriel Almond shows that the relationship between capitalism and democracy is not clear. Drawing on the work of other theorists, the scholar explores ways in which capitalism both supports and subverts democracy, as well as ways in which democracy may both subvert and foster capitalism.33.China: The Quiet Revolution, Doug Guthrie, Harvard International Review, Summer 2003The fall of the Soviet Union and former Eastern European communist countries seems to suggest that the path to economic success lies in capitalism. China followed market principles without privatization, by providing incentives to produce and encourage efficiency. The result: growth without "shock therapy." The author points out that much of China's success lies in gradually implementing changes toward institutional transformation.34.A Confident New Country, Jo Johnson, Financial Times, August 15, 2007Since independence, India has struggled to develop a cohesive economic plan to defuse tensions from ethnic, religious, linguistic, as well as climatic and developmental diversity. In the 1990s, a new perspective of market-oriented policies and practices in India finally began to bear fruit. In the 2000s, India is considered to be an emergent global economic power that stands to rival China. However, challenges remain especially in income and wealth inequities, which lead to a growing dissatisfaction with the government and the potential for fuel instability.35.Japanese Spirit, Western Things, The Economist, July 10, 2003One hundred fifty years after Commodore Perry's order to open the country to trade, Japan is one of the world's great economic success stories. This survey examines the origin of that success and emphasizes how Japan has shown that modernization does not require a wholesale embrace of Western culture. 36.Job Security, Too, May Have a Happy Medium, Louis Uchitelle, The New York Times, February 25, 2007Is there a trade-off between growth and job security? For more than a decade, American economists have touted the model of flexibility in the U.S.—which allows them to downsize or move jobs as needed—as the reason for economic growth in this country. In contrast, Europe and Japan, which embrace job security, faced recession or weak growth. However, the tide has turned: Europe and Japan have experienced higher growth and lower unemployment than the U.S. This article points out how Europe and Japan have come up with a mix of job security and flexibility, including retraining of workers, which has led to more dynamic economies.UNIT 7: Trends and Challenges: Institutional Change through Democratization, Globalization, or Supra-National Government?Unit Overview37.Beijing Censors Taken to Task in Party Circles, Joseph Kahn, The New York Times, February 15, 2006How does democratization move forward? The case of the Propaganda Department in China shows that public challenge represents a significant motivator. The case of the "Freezing Point" shows how the highly powerful agency faces increasing public challenges to its authority, which, in turn, has led the government to rein in the Department and revise media controls. The biggest drive toward an open and free media is budget: even the state-run media outlets now rely on circulation and advertising to survive. As a result, they are driven to publish materials and stories people want to read, even if it means offending the government.38.The EU and Its "Constitution", Alberta Sbragia, PS: Political Science and Politics, April 2006The EU represents the effort to form an integrated regional government despite the failure of the EU "Constitution" to receive majority support in the Dutch and French referendums of 2005. The author suggests presenting the EU as a geo-economic or geo-political project in order to elicit more public support. Fundamental to her suggestion is the author's recognition that it is better to start off strong for institutional building because tepid support will ultimately jeopardize the performance of institutions. But it is her other suggestion that is more provoking: integration may proceed on a smaller scale. After all, the EU
