Buch, Englisch, 480 Seiten, Format (B × H): 149 mm x 231 mm, Gewicht: 492 g
Reihe: Taking Sides
Buch, Englisch, 480 Seiten, Format (B × H): 149 mm x 231 mm, Gewicht: 492 g
Reihe: Taking Sides
ISBN: 978-0-07-805002-2
Verlag: McGraw-Hill Education - Europe
Taking Sides volumes present current controversial issues in a debate-style format designed to stimulate student interest and develop critical thinking skills. Each issue is thoughtfully framed with an issue summary, an issue introduction, and a postscript or challenge questions. Taking Sides readers feature an annotated listing of selected World Wide Web sites. An online Instructor’s Resource Guide with testing material is available for each volume. Using Taking Sides in the Classroom is also an excellent instructor resource. Visit www.mhhe.com/takingsides for more details.
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TAKING SIDES: Clashing Views in United States History, Volume 2: Reconstruction to the Present, Fourteenth Edition Table of Contents
TAKING SIDES: Clashing Views in United States History, Volume 2: Reconstruction to the Present
Fourteenth Edition
Unit 1 The Gilded AgeIssue 1. Did Reconstruction Fail as a Result of Racism?YES: George M. Fredrickson, from The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817–1914 (Harper & Row, 1971) NO: Heather Cox Richardson, from The Death of Reconstruction: Race, Labor, and Politics in the Post–Civil War North, 1865–1901 (Harvard University Press, 2001) George M. Fredrickson concludes that racism, in the form of the doctrine of white supremacy, colored the thinking not only of southern whites but of most white northerners as well and produced only halfhearted efforts by the Radical Republicans in the postwar period to sustain a commitment to black equality. Heather Cox Richardson argues that the failure of Radical Reconstruction was primarily a consequence of a national commitment to a free-labor ideology that opposed an expanding central government that legislated rights to African Americans that other citizens had acquired through hard work. Issue 2. Was the Wild West More Violent Than the Rest of the United States?YES: David T. Courtright, from “Frontiers,” in Ronald Gottesman and Richard Maxwell Brown, eds., Violence in America: An Encyclopedia, vol. 1 (Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1999)NO: Robert R. Dykstra, from “To Live and Die in Dodge City: Body Counts, Law and Order and the Case of Kansas v. Gill,” in Michael A. Bellesiles, ed., Lethal Imagination, Violence and Brutality in American History (New York University Press, 1999)Professor of history David T. Courtright argues that the cattle, mining, and lumbering Western frontiers were extremely violent because these regions were populated by young, single, and transient males who frequented saloons and prostitutes, and engaged in fights. Professor Robert R. Dykstra argues that Dodge City had a low crime rate in the decade 1876–1885, and in the murder case of Kansas v. Gill, it conducted a jury trial “according to conventions nurtured through a thousand years of Anglo-American judicial traditions.”Issue 3. Were the Nineteenth-Century Big Businessmen “Robber Barons”?YES: Howard Zinn, from “Robber Barons and Rebels,” in A People’s History of the United States (HarperCollins, 1999)NO: John S. Gordon, from “Was There Ever Such a Business!” in An Empire of Wealth: The Epic History of American Economic Power (Harper Perennial, 2004)According to Howard Zinn, the new industrialists such as John D. Rockefeller, Andrew Carnegie, and J. P. Morgan adopted business practices that encouraged monopolies and used the powers of the government to control the masses from rebellion. John S. Gordon argues that the nineteenth-century men of big business such as John D. Rockefeller and Andrew Carnegie developed through the oil and steel industries consumer products that improved the lifestyle of average Americans.Issue 4. Was the American Labor Movement Radical?
