Ott | Local Instability | E-Book | sack.de
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E-Book, Englisch, 182 Seiten

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Ott Local Instability

Split Topicalization and Quantifier Float in German

E-Book, Englisch, 182 Seiten

Reihe: ISSN

ISBN: 978-3-11-029095-0
Verlag: De Gruyter
Format: PDF
Kopierschutz: Adobe DRM (»Systemvoraussetzungen)



This monograph argues for a novel approach to split topicalization and quantifier float in German, based on the premise that syntactic structure-building proceeds solely via free application of Merge. Following recent developments in the pursuit of a more principled theory of syntax, it is argued that the stipulative notion of ‘projection’ ought to be dispensed with: syntactic objects created by Merge are not headed, and endocentricity arises due to a simple search algorithm. When this algorithm fails, specifically in symmetric {XP,YP} structures, an unlabeled constituent results; where a label is required, such structures are locally unstable. It is argued that both split topics and floated quantifiers are the result of this kind of local instability: when an exocentric predication structure is merged in argument or adjunct position, XP must be displaced at the phase level to allow for determination of a label. It is this symmetry-breaking movement that yields the ‘split constituent’ in surface form. Based on careful empirical scrutiny of two recalcitrant problems for syntactic theory, the present work adduces substantial support for a ‘minimalist’ grammatical architecture devoid of phrase-structural residue.
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1;Acknowledgments;5
2;1 Introduction;9
2.1;1.1 Empirical Scope;9
2.2;1.2 Types of Split Topics;9
2.2.1;1.2.1 Simple Splits;10
2.2.2;1.2.2 Gapless Splits;11
2.2.3;1.2.3 Split PPs;13
2.2.4;1.2.4 Multiple and Parallel Splits;14
2.2.5;1.2.5 Mixed Splits;16
2.3;1.3 Organization of the Study;17
3;2 Properties & Problems;19
3.1;2.1 Information Structure;19
3.1.1;2.1.1 Bridge-contour Splits;19
3.1.2;2.1.2 Focus Fronting;23
3.2;2.2 Syntax;27
3.2.1;2.2.1 A TOP-REM Asymmetry;27
3.2.2;2.2.2 Evidence for Displacement;30
3.2.3;2.2.3 Antecedent-gap Mismatches;36
3.2.4;2.2.4 Case Agreement;42
3.2.5;2.2.5 Summary;44
3.3;2.3 Previous Approaches;45
3.3.1;2.3.1 Subextraction;45
3.3.2;2.3.2 Distributed Deletion;51
3.3.3;2.3.3 Hybrid Analyses;55
3.4;2.4 Summary;63
4;3 A Novel Approach;65
4.1;3.1 Symmetry and Asymmetry in Syntax;65
4.1.1;3.1.1 Beyond Phrase-structure Grammar: Merge;65
4.1.2;3.1.2 Labeling by Minimal Search;67
4.1.3;3.1.3 Labeling Conflicts and Their Resolution;69
4.2;3.2 ST as Symmetry-breaking Movement;71
4.2.1;3.2.1 Bare predication: {DP,NP};71
4.2.2;3.2.2 Simple Splits;78
4.2.3;3.2.3 Gapless Splits;82
4.2.4;3.2.4 Subject Splits and Parallel Splits;85
4.2.5;3.2.5 Fronting and Topic-Comment Structure;89
4.2.6;3.2.6 Mixed Splits;95
4.2.7;3.2.7 SplitPPs;98
4.2.8;3.2.8 Multiple Splits;103
4.2.9;3.2.9 Ellipsis in TOP and REM;106
4.2.10;3.2.10 The Motivation for Movement;108
4.3;3.3 Predictions and Extensions;111
4.3.1;3.3.1 Antecedent-gap Mismatches;111
4.3.2;3.3.2 Movement and Locality;117
4.4;3.4 Further Issues;128
4.4.1;3.4.1 Gapping and Fragments;128
4.4.2;3.4.2 Remarks on ATB Application of ST;132
4.4.3;3.4.3 A Note on Pair-Merge ();136
4.4.4;3.4.4 Bare Predication or “Semantic Incorporation”?;139
4.4.5;3.4.5 Crosslinguistic Properties of ST;142
4.5;3.5 Summary;146
5;4 Quantifier Float;149
5.1;4.1 Floated Quantifiers: Basic Properties;149
5.2;4.2 QF as Symmetry-breaking Movement;151
5.2.1;4.2.1 Evidence for Movement;151
5.2.2;4.2.2 Evidence for a Hybrid Approach;152
5.2.3;4.2.3 Bare Predication and Symmetry-breaking Movement;156
5.2.4;4.2.4 An Agreement Asymmetry;160
5.2.5;4.2.5 Mixed QF Splits;161
5.3;4.3 Complex Splits;162
5.4;4.4 Summary;165
6;5 Conclusion;167
7;References;171
8;Index;181


Ott, Dennis
Dennis Ott, University of Groningen, The Netherlands.

Dennis Ott, University of Groningen, The Netherlands.


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